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Gintis claims that there is a simple answer why methodological practices differs. it is because economists use game theory to design and interpret experiments. although we hinted at the unifying role of game theory, its presence cannot explain why methodological conventions have such a regulatory nature in economics. we believe that the most plausible candidate explanation for their nature is the strategic role that the canonization of mandatory rules played in the process of gaining acceptance within the discipline. with regards to the content of the conventions, gillies & rigdon argue contrary to gintis's thesis that three of the four key variables namely, deception, financial incentives, and scripting ; are "general" variables "whose appropriateness is independent of the theory being tested." whether or not this assessment is correct, we anticipate that any comprehensive explanation of why methodological practices in the two fields differ will involve among others, an understanding of the role of early key players holt & laury and smith point out that a psychologist, sidney siegel, has been largely responsible for establishing the procedural standards used in economics experiments5 ; , the role or relative lack thereof ; of unifying theories e.g., game theory, behaviorism ; , institutional arrangements e.g., the availability of subject pools ; as well as the fact that experimental economics for a significant number of years was done only in about half a dozen laboratories. while discussing game theory, let us note that van vugt's assertion that "economists [and hence experimental economists] use the theory of self-interest as [a] unique explanatory framework for understanding human behavior, " is wrong. it demonstrates lack of awareness of the theoretical developments that have dramatically reframed economics primarily by way of mostly game-theoretic reformulations. we doubt that there are economists out there who do not believe that "given the right conditions, people can be rational or irrational, selfish or altruistic, aggressive or helpful" van vugt ; . we are certain that if indeed such an "econ" leijonhufvid ; exists, he or she is not an experimental economist. van vugt's wage escalation argument, furthermore, misapplies basic tenets of marginal utility theory. money is typically chosen because of its, for all practical purposes, nonsatiation property. by van vugt's logic, real wages would. Extraordinary for us all. ah! progress! dulany smith osler, 1935: i have recently moved from my house to an apartment which i love. i have two daughters, six grandsons and three great-grandsons. life is busy and i recently won the halloween contest which was great fun! i have been photographed and videotaped for "the royal" where i live as "the poster girl" for the place. mary bishop bargate, 1936: strange as it may seem, i still doing all the same things as i have the past few years; boston symphony concerts, church work, rye art study group, two historical societies, book club, parties and luncheons in boston. in april, i went to nyc to an opera, a play, museums and restaurants. in may, i went with a group from the boston art museum to the hudson river valley to see the homes and paintings of that school of artists. that was most enjoyable, especially since i had traveled many times in europe with at least 14 people in the group. the trip to baltimore was so disappointing. not having been in the city since 1972, i didn't know it had changed so much, and in an attempt to be near the peabody and the lyric for concerts, i stayed in an unfortunate place, only to find all activities had stopped. then i caught the flu and didn't even manage to see rpcs just some family members! katherine hamilton cavanaugh, 1937: i lost bob on december 14th after his long struggle with emphysema. we were married 62 years, but i adjusting to my life here. the west coast is very different from the east, but the weather makes up for much. the roses are in bloom in december! i hope i will come for the delayed funeral in april.
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